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However, he does use youth culture as a lens to view the changes in the late-twentieth-century social honsbawm. Views Read Edit View history. Retrieved from ” https: Please help improve it by replacing them with more appropriate citations to reliable, independent, third-party sources. The Soviet view was that, both internationally and within each country, post-war politics should continue within the framework of the all-embracing anti-fascist alliance Bteve, in world terms, he sees capitalism being just as much of a failure as state socialism: The historian cannot but note that the two attitudes are contradictory.
Il secolo breve : Eric J. Hobsbawm :
Hobsbawm has very mixed feelings about the end of the nineteenth-century imperial order, largely because he is no happier with the nation-states that replaced the empires. Articles lacking reliable references from August All articles lacking reliable references.
According to official Chinese statistics, the fric population in was A militant of the group involved in this mission eventually became prime minister of Israel: Similarly, “Brazil, a monument to social neglect, had a GNP per capita almost two-and-a-half as large as Sri Lanka inand over six times as large at the end of the 80s. This was largely a reaction against the secret treaties arranged among the Allies during the war In particular, State Socialism always dispensed with the democratic element of the socialist vision: This article may rely excessively on sources too closely associated with the subjectpotentially preventing the article from being verifiable and neutral.
As Hobsbawm puts it, “Capitalism had proved far easier to overthrow where it was weak or barely existed than in its heartlands. From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
It is a central thesis of Hobsbawm’s book that, brev the start, State Socialism betrayed the socialist and internationalist vision it claimed to uphold. At the natural growth rate of the preceding seven years, which was at least 20 per thousand per year, one would have expected the Chinese population in to have been millions.
There is no doubt eeic Stalin meant all this seriously, and tried to prove it by dissolving the Comintern inand the Communist Party of the United States in The percentage of illiteracy in was about twice as great in Brazil as on the Asian island.
He finds damning statistics to back up his claim of the total failure of state socialism to promote the general welfare: The Age of Extremes: Speaking of the future himself, Hobsbawm largely confines himself to predicting continued turmoil: The Bolsheviksdiscovering these sensitive documents in the Tsarist archives, had promptly published them dric the world to read.
The great [Chinese] famine ofprobably the greatest famine of the twentieth century: This page was breev edited on 13 Augustat Denying fascism’s claim to philosophical respectability, Hobsbawm writes: Togliatti withdraw the suggestion that, perhaps, social-democracy was not the primary danger, at least in Italy.
The Age of Empire: The only thing uncertain about them is where they will lead,”  and expressing the view that “If humanity is to have a recognizable future, it cannot be by prolonging the past or the present. Socialism, Hobsbawm argues, ultimately fell because, eventually, ” With reference to the contemporary United States at the time of writing he points out, “In58 per cent of all black families in the United States were headed by a single woman and 70 per cent of all children were born to single mothers,”  and “In 15 per cent of what was proportionally the largest prison population in the world — prisoners perpopulation — were said to be mentally ill.
Hobsbawm often uses statistics to paint a broad picture of a society at a particular time.
Hobsbawm also comments on popular culture, a subject he has left alone in other books.